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| By Monir Birouk, 05-07-2006 |
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| It’s not a coincidence that many worrying signs have recently surfaced on the Moroccan political and social scenes. These signs have induced many influential personalities such as Mahdi Lmandjra, Aboubakr Jami’i, Nadia Yassine and Abderrahim Berada, to issue a loud cry about the ongoing deterioration which threatens the fate and stability of Morocco. All of the aforementioned seem to be in agreement with the fact that the whole country is actually in “the waiting room” since the official political scene is eroding from within, and becoming overwhelmingly consumed by its internally-generated paradoxes such that any reform or change emerging on its part is indeed next to impossible. Meanwhile, the star of the Islamists, mainly that of the Justice and Spirituality Movement (JSM), is radiating more and more. In fact, the JSM’s presence became more deeply rooted in the Moroccan political and popular reality. This popularity, however, did not issue from the void; it is the outcome and reward of the firm and distinguished stands of the movement throughout the last three decades. Indeed, “the deluge” which Mr.Yassine warned against thirty years ago in his famous letter has today become almost an inescapable reality. In Chinua Achebe’s words, “Things fall apart”: Yet who can put the scattered pieces together again, and how? That is the question! |
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| The Premonitions of the Deluge |
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| Politically, the failure of the so called democratic alternating experience has driven the last nail in the regime’s coffin as well as into that of the opposition parties. The experience has made things far worse than before, and the slogans of “the government of change”, “reforms”, “the big workshops” and “the moralization of political life” has amounted to nothing more than a mirage. The “historical” parties that had so long criticized the corrupt practices of the regime as well as those of the “administrative” parties sank in their turn into the swamp of corruption, and became, ironically, staunch supporters of the regime and an integral part of its whole system. This outcome should have been expected given the conflicts that tore through the internal ranks of these parties due to the ferocious race towards key positions for purely individual and selfish purposes. This gap between “claimed principles” and “practice” drove many leaders and intellectuals such as Elhabib Forkani, Khalid Soufiani, and Abdelkarim Ghalab, for example, to withdraw from their parties(1). |
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| Overall, the ruling system itself is going through trying times despite all its efforts to show the opposite and conceal the grave chronic problems that have accumulated throughout the past four decades of its rule. |
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| Behind the walls of the palace, the atmosphere has become extremely tense and the relationships between the opposing poles are so intricate that it’s difficult to understand what’s really going on at the highest levels of authority. Yet, one thing is certain: the conflict over positions and interests has reached such an extent that it has become altogether hard to hide or control. It’s no longer a secret that the system is alarmingly infested with underground lobbies, usually backed by influential figures from the Army, the king’s entourage (e.g. consultants) and from other security bodies. It should be noted, however, that it is the nature of the system itself that allows for such chaos and disorder to reign chiefly because of the absence of ruling institutions which truly express the will of the people. Instead, power is monopolized by the monarchy, which is indeed a vague, unlimited and omnipotent system that interferes in everything, but at the same time admits responsibility of nothing. This strange status is endorsed by a given constitution that allows the king to amass all the authority in his hands without being held accountable to any other institution whatsoever. This explains why almost all the governmental and administrative sectors in Morocco are ruled by directives and informal orders instead of law, which creates fertile soil for a system that keeps treading on the dignity of the people to satisfy its lust for power and money. |
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| The critical situation in which the system finds itself casts much doubt on the real position and role of the monarch himself concerning what is taking place especially at this crucial phase; it’s not a coincidence that many analysts assumed that the grip of the monarchy has recently tended to be weaker and more loose. They arrived at this conclusion by drawing on several worrying signs such as internal restlessness in the royal institution and the absolute confusion that characterized the system’s recent policies in handling many sensitive issues (the security issue, the file of Sahara, the trial of Mrs. Nadia Yassine…). A simple glance at the independent newspapers headlines would be enough to reveal the depth and the extent of disorder in the system. What else can be said when even the palaces-which we thought were, unlike public funds, immune from the money embezzlement syndrome-are in their turn plagued by “dirty hands” and robbers(2)?! Since the affair of Hilali in the royal palace in Agadir, many scandals have flowed in succession. The latest, may be, the robbery in the royal palace in Marrakech. |
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| Seen by many as the last straw that broke the camel’s back, the interview of Mrs. Nadia Yassine disclosed the fragile policy and the absolute confusion of a regime which chose, so unthoughtfully, to lay its flaws bare before the world. The interview was also an occasion that put the allegations of democracy and freedom of speech on trial, thereby unveiling the “other” face of the modernists and political leaders who denied Mrs. Yassine even her right to speak(3). Indeed it is quite ironic that the fervent defenders of modernity and democracy, and the fans of liberty and human rights chose to fight to death, side by side with a decaying despotic regime. What freedom on earth did they find in the bosom of the Mekhzen? How are the principles of democracy and human rights so easily sacrificed just to ward off the Islamic evil? |
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| Away from the intricacies of politics, the reality on the ground has assumed miserable proportions as well. The economic and social situations are steering steadily towards an overwhelming crisis. According to the latest report of Transparency International(4), Morocco scored very low on the scale of development in 2004, ranking 125th out of 177 countries. The rates of poverty and unemployment have reached unprecedented levels, and the number of Moroccans living under the threshold of poverty has now reached 12 million according to the same report. These stifling circumstances are made even worse by rampant corruption that pervades almost every sector and aspect of life in Morocco. In fact, the country has been sliding down in rank on the corruption index from 37th position in 2000 to 78th in 2005. This caused many organizations to consider as one of the country’s “top endemic problems” because “the [anti-corruption] measures have targeted petty corruption without touching the deep political roots of corruption and the entrenched interests of the armed forces, big business, and the monarchy”(5). In a report released by the Bureau for International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs in 2005 (6), corruption was also evoked as a factor “playing a role in Morocco’s continuing trafficking of cannabis products”. According to the same report, Morocco “consistently ranks among the world’s largest producers and exporters of cannabis”(7). |
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| All these figures add up to a grim social and economic landscape that has begun to undermine the social stability in the country. Thus, mounting feelings of insecurity have begun to take over mainly because of the remarkable increase in crime and violence rates especially in big cities. In a relatively short period, more than seven cities (Elhoceima, Tamassint, Sidi Ifni, Elayoune, Fez, Tata and Bouarfa) were the scenes of collective popular uprisings against the policies of the state(8). This, in addition to tens of strikes, protests and sit-ins in front of city councils, provinces and ministries; reflecting, thus, the depth of the social and economic deterioration in the country. The common cause which fuelled all these protests was the policy of indifference and systemic marginalization of the Moroccan people. The state should have been wise enough to realize that this continuous oppression would lead, sooner or later, to popular and social outbreaks in the form of violent and terrorist actions which would scorch everything around. |
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| Despite the magnitude of this grave crisis, the Mekhzen mindset is unwilling to change and the policy of maintaining the status quo is still predominant. However, it would be naive to assume that the regime doesn’t wholly recognize the gravity of the situation, but the weighty inheritance of the past, the conflict of interests of the diverse players in the power square, and the absence of a genuine will to open the way for all the operators to have their say in the fate of the country above all are significant factors which obviate any prospective and radical change. The meagre attempts by the state to soothe the pains and alleviate “the social traumas” run sarcastically in disproportionate rates with the size of expectations of change. Perhaps, the only acceptable direction in which we should read the Initiative of National Development and similar initiatives is the regime’s deep awareness of the threat emanating from the unbearable social and economic situation. Yet one wonders how some drops of aids here and some visits or inaugurations there could heal the deep social and economic wounds of the country! In an interview with a weekly newspaper, Mr. Fath Allah Arssalan – the JSM spokesman- considered the aforementioned initiative as a, “partial, inadequate and far-fetched solution because the diagnosis of the illness should be collective,” he continued by adding, “the cure should be wholesome not partial… Experience has taught us that any initiative which doesn’t involve the people will be doomed to failure.”(9) In the end, these futile attempts would never be more than “makeup” the Mekhzen puts on its monstrous face to hide the traces of oppression, corruption and marginalization that have almost transformed the country into a wasteland. In the same interview, Mr. Arssalan stressed that the mere, “acknowledgment of the crisis isn’t adequate and is, in fact, as banal as your saying: ‘the sky is over’. What we lack so far in all these initiatives and slogans is a genuine will because of the wish [of some people] to maintain their interests, positions and privileges”.(10) |
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| JSM: A Suggestive Force with Excellence |
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| Surveying the Moroccan political scene, one could hardly find any promising and serious project willing to rid the country from the suffocating depression it undergoes at all levels. Apart from clapping the failures of the Mekhzen or some shallow criticisms hither and thither, there is nothing one could be contented with as a serious and candid suggestion aiming at an authentic reform or change. Nevertheless, there is no gainsaying that the JSM remains an exception, being the only prominent suggestive force in the country that has proposed a way out of the present crisis despite the recurrent attempts to exclude it from the political arena. To the detriment of its opponents, the movement has proven that it’s able not only to coherently voice its views and move in an amazingly energetic way, but it has also managed, on many occasions, to be at the heart of national events. Although the march of the JSM is replete with many outstanding political standpoints, I shall rest on three suggestive initiatives. In this respect, it should be made crystal clear that these initiatives haven’t lost their due significance; on the contrary, they have acquired an indisputable credibility with time. |
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| Islam or Deluge? |
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| At a time when the late king was at his full haughtiness, ready to crush his opponents for a mere difference of opinion or when a simple criticism and even undesirable insinuations would likely lead to the awful fate of secret detention centres, Mr.Abdessalam Yassine had, with the utmost courage and nobility, addressed an open letter advising King Hassan the Second. The title of the letter placed the monarch before two entirely divergent paths: “Islam or Deluge”. In very striking words, Mr. Yassine exposed bare the flaws of the regime’s hereditary system, un-democratic rule, the rampant oppressive practices of the monarchy and the dire poverty and illiteracy which afflict the Moroccan people. The core of Sh. Yassine’s letter was that the absence or deliberate exclusion of Islam from all aspects of life gave leeway to autocratic rule and domineering oppression. As the title itself suggests, the totalitarian style of rule, which rests on hypocrisy by ruling in the name of Islam while ignoring its basic principles and teachings of justice, consultation, accountability and mutual advice, would sooner or later, lead the country into a deluge that would sweep everything along. Three decades have elapsed now since this warning message, and it is quite obvious that we are now living in “the days of the deluge”.(11) |
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| To Whom It May Concern |
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| Upon the succession of the new king to the throne, the JSM estimated that another initiative should be taken to remind the new monarch of his responsibilities. Thus, Mr.Yassine sent a second letter in 2000 entitled, “To Whom It May Concern”, which was, in its overall content, a continuation of the preceding letter since the structure and essence of the ruling system remained the same despite the changes in figures and forms. The king was again reminded that “the system is in decline”(12) unless there was a daring stride on his part to save what could be saved. Sh. Yassine wrote : |
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| “Either the sovereign takes his courage in both hands and charges at obstacles with the dauntless will of distinguished leaders or he will vegetate in the vague desires of pusillanimous hearts. Either he proves his courage and resolution without which Mekhzen routine and easy solutions will dampen the enthusiasm of warm inaugurations, or the pure-bred will stumble before obstacles and, by retreating, will meet the atrocious fate of missed opportunities with history.”(13) |
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| Mr.Yassine acknowledged that the legacy is certainly far heavier than could be wiped off at one stroke, but showing a good will to cut off with the practices of the past is an essential demand. Signs and hints are not adequate! |
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| The significance of this letter at this phase is that it anticipated in advance the troubles that might threaten the whole system if the king adhered to the same old practices. On that score, Mr.Yassine alluded to the potential threats which the bad management of the issue of Sahara, the endemic widespread corruption and foreign debts may pose to Morocco. These alerts seem clearer today in light of the serious developments in the Sahara issue at the foreign, popular and local levels , as well as the systemic deterioration of the national economy due to pervasive corruption on the one hand, and the unconditional engagement in foreign trade agreements that disregard the needs and particularities of our economy. Other sensitive issues were boldly evoked such as the source of the monarch’s colossal fortune and the state involvement in the drug trade…etc. In response, many voices hailed the letter as an unjustifiable assault on the monarch whereas others thought that the proposals were far-fetched and unrealistic. |
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| Mr. Fathallah addressed such criticisms by stating, “The difficulty of our proposals sprang from our estimation of the situation which is so catastrophic that a radical and a deep change was an urgent requirement rather than mere partial reparations here and there…anyway, time is ahead of us, and let’s just wait for the dust to be dispersed”.(14) |
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| What Mr. Fathallah means by “dust”, of course, is the image of the new democratic era which the young king was trying heart and soul to project. Now after six years of rule, all the slogans which “the new era” had raised and the promises which it so generously distributed are gone with the wind, and it soon became obvious that the ruling system still clung to the same old choices. JSM, however, didn’t rely much on the response of the monarch, for the legacy of the past and the constraints of the present render the mission of change from within the system itself quite impossible unless there was an unfailing determination to get things back on the track. All in all, the letter is, in my view, still valid and worth perhaps another ponderous reading. |
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| The National Pact |
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| The negative reaction to the messages of the movement drove it to grow more resolute about the necessity of an alternative collective action whose major priority should aim at saving the country from the political and socio-economic imbroglio. On this basis, the JSM proposed “The National Pact” which is deemed as a daring proposal that calls upon all the parties, civic society activists and influential personalities, regardless of their convictions, to form a united front and to engage in a collaborative initiative in order to live up to the great challenges that put the stability of the country at stake. In addition to other functions, the Pact primarily sets out to: |
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| ** Gather momentum for a profound and authentic change to which all the parties should voluntarily adhere. ** Face the despotism of a reckless regime that is leading the country to destruction, and to strengthen the role of the people in controlling the state. ** Launch a wide and profound dialogue about the basic choices and values that shall unite all Moroccans, and guarantee a better management of divergent political and intellectual views. ** Think about the practical steps to tackle the repercussions of the crisis with all its aspects (political, economic and social…), and to pave the way for democratic political practice in the country. This entails setting a constitution that establishes the principles of consultation, accountability and human rights. |
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| Needless to say, for such an initiative to succeed, it’s indispensable to engage the average people who have been marginalized for so long and excluded from all sorts of active participation and involvement in designing their destiny and future. |
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| Once again, it seems that the internal and external constraints of the other parties have far outweighed the aspiration and longing for change in a way that doesn’t match the great challenges that lie ahead. Given the reality of the great challenges that stand before the country, Mr. Fathallah replied, “We are in no haste! the collective pact and dialogue should take their time because of our deep-seated conviction that it’s a historical initiative which shouldn’t be submitted to daily political constraints. Moreover, we are also very aware of the size of the political and psychological obstacles which the system has ingrained in the life of Moroccans; and this, of course, requires first of all more patience and poise to pave the way and purify the rotten atmospheres”.(15) |
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| For this transformation to happen, the “internal drive” to bring about authentic change is of paramount importance, and should go well beyond the petty daily political frictions that deter collaboration and block the channels of communication. The ability to engender change lies in the hands of all the "reasonable people" who have always longed for a better life which guarantees justice, liberty and the dignity to move forward. Otherwise, “The delay in radical change in Morocco makes the taxes [of change] grow more costly day after day… It’s enough!”(16). |
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| Notes |
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| (1) See for example the letter in which Abdelkarim Ghalab explains the reasons of his resign from the Istiqlal party, Al Ayyam magazine, August 2005.The outcomes of the Socialist Union Party’s sixth congress is also an outstanding example. (2) “The Robbers of the Royal Palaces”. Alayyam magazine. August 2005. (3) See Nadia Yassine’s “An Open Letter to the Democrats-not Virtuous this Time», and visit her website www.nadiayassine.org for a full coverage of the event. (4) Transparency International Report 2004. (5) Arab Political Systems :Baseline Information and Reform-Morocco released by Carnegie Endowment for International Peace and Fride Fundacon para las Relaciones Internacionales y el Dialogo Exterior. (6) International Narcotics Control Strategy Report 2005 (7) Based on a study conducted by the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC), an estimated 47.400 metric tons of cannabis were produced in 2003, covering about 134.000 hectares of land; an area far larger than the 15.000 hectares which the Moroccan government has claimed. (8) In Elhuceima, Layoune and Sidi Ifni the events were particularly dramatic, and ended with violent confrontations with security forces. (9) Alayyam weekly. July 20-26, 2005. (10) Ibid (11) M. Elalaoui “Islam…or Deluge…” Al Usbou’iya weekly, October 29, 2004. (12) A. Yassine. “To Whom It May Concern”, November 14, 2000. (13) Ibid (14) www.aljamaa.com, July 23, 2005. (15) Al Ayyam weekly, July 20-26, 2005. (16) Mahdi Lmandjra, Al Ayyam, 06-12-2005. |
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